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Current revision as of 05:43, 19 November 2009

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There are at least 3 important demographic factors that contributed to the reduction of the Japanese fertility. After World War II, the Eugenic women contraceptives

At the time of their

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first clinic visit, two-fifths of the teenagers said that their mothers knew that they had gone to the clinic; this proportion cecilia to almost three-fifths six months later and to about

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three-quarters at the end of 15 months. Among a subsample

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of the mothers of these young women, fewer than one-third said that they had ever discussed their daughters' sexual activity with them. There is some evidence that abortion is changing from a model fertility control means to a supplemental means resorted to when contraception fails.. From 1950 to 1965, women using contraceptive methods increased from 19.5% to 51.9%. The teenagers whose mothers knew of

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their clinic attendance at the time of their first visit were no more likely to have had extensive

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conversations with their mothers about sex or contraception than were the teenagers whose mothers found out afterwards. However, the proportion of teenagers who said that they had discussed sex or birth control with their

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mothers remained almost the same; the proportion who said that they would never discuss such topics with their mothers also remained fairly constant. At the present time, Japan has a low birthrate (18.5% population) and a low death rate (7.1% population) which allows an annual average 1% natural increase rate. But

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during that period, the percentage of women who had experienced induced abortion fluctuated up and down. Early reduction of the abortion practice in highly educated

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women represents the early successes of the family planning programs. In 1951, as a result

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of the increasing numbers of reported induced abortions, the government officially disapproved of induced abortion as a usual means of

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birth control and endorsed an official plan to promote conception control. It appears that there has been a greater impact of family planning education in cities than in rural areas. In an attempt to test this hypothesis, we intervie

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290 adolescents at family planning clinics in southeastern Pennsylvania three times in the course of 15 months about their communication with their families and their use of contraceptives. The present family planning movement was started in the 1920s by the socialists and the leaders of the labor movement, but the government discouraged the movement and continued the strong pronatalist policy. Having no data on the rate of illegal induced abortion, the observed reduction of abortion in favor of contraception is always open to alternative explanations in addition to the family planning programs. There was only a modest level of correspondence between the mothers' responses and their daughters' replies;

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for the most part, the mothers thought that they were much more communicative about sex and birth control than their daughters perceived them to be.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS The effects of programs of birth control education on the practice of induced abortion in Japan.The impact of family planning education on abortion in Japan is discussed. Although it is a com assertion that Japan solved its population

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problem by induced abortion, this view is both inaccurate and a simplification of the actual demographic situation. 1) the decline of the age-specific fertility among married women achieved by birth control methods, including abortion; 2) emigration, especially from the rural areas; and 3) the change in the marriage pattern of the population. In fact, induced abortions have been on the upswing since 1961. The birthrate has been halved in 30 years. From 1950 to 1965, women who had experienced induced abortion decreased from 35.6% to 29.7%.